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This book explores the dynamics between crime and conflict in Northern Ireland from its founding to the present day. The starting point is the somewhat paradoxical situation in which Northern Ireland has historically been ranked as a ‘low crime’ country, despite being synonymous with high-casualty political conflict.
Aoghan Mulcahy provides details on conflict-related deaths from various sources documenting over 3,400 people killed and approximately 48,000 injured from 1969 to 2022. There is. This incredible burden becomes even more vivid when considered in conjunction with Northern Ireland’s relatively small population (averaging over this period her 1.6 million people).
Available data, including reported crime and crime statistics and victim survey data, shows that so-called ‘ordinary crime’ has remained at relatively low levels in Northern Ireland since its founding. How can we explain this contradiction?
One of the first questions to unpack is how to define crime. It is a cold consolation that in a conflict-ridden society, there was less “ordinary crime.” But the book’s examination of the dynamics between crime and political conflict, and how closely intertwined the criminal justice system is within them, is illuminating. It takes into account the definitional complexities involved in delineating the boundaries between ‘ordinary’ and ‘politically motivated’ crimes, and the sometimes blurred boundaries between the two.
These aren’t just angels over the heads of pin arguments. Margaret Thatcher’s government’s decision in the late 1970s to pursue a strategy of ‘criminalization’ against those involved in politically motivated crimes had immediate effects. Removal of their status as “political prisoners” led to a hunger strike that left 10 people dead in 1981. During this period, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) became an increasingly militarized force.
Some of the theories that have argued for Northern Ireland’s “low crime” status from this period to the present (though crime rates have risen in recent years, they remain relatively low) are based on political There is a theory that conflict acts to suppress other forms. A criminal act. In other words, those who may have been involved in the crime were directing their energies elsewhere. Another possible explanation is that high levels of social control, relatively high religiosity, and close community cohesion meant that more common crimes such as theft and robbery were relatively rare. .
While Mulcahy acknowledges the potential validity of these explanations, he is right to take this analysis with a pinch of salt. For example, in many societies certain types of crime are routinely underreported (domestic violence and sexual assault are notable examples), especially among Catholics/nationalists/Republicans. He points out that this was a situation where the role of the police was hotly contested. In the community, the possibility of reporting a crime to the police becomes somewhat meaningless.
Additionally, the Historic Institutional Abuse Inquiry, published in 2017, investigated abuse of children in religious institutions in Northern Ireland, similar to the Ryan Report in the Republic of Ireland, and identified children who were not reported to authorities. cites multiple examples of crimes against. at that time. All this lends weight to the view that crime statistics can only provide a partial picture of the extent of crime.
This book considers these issues carefully, while also providing insights into how the functioning of the criminal justice system is tied to our ideas about the role and legitimacy of the state and its institutions. We consider her three specific time frames in Northern Ireland’s history. The period from the founding of Northern Ireland to the outbreak of unrest (1920-1968). Political conflict (1969-1998) and the time since the Belfast Agreement (1999-2022) – Mulcahy explores these broader questions of state legitimacy.
The criminal justice system and its reform were part of a broader peace settlement. Most notably, the RUC was disbanded, the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) was established, and prisoners convicted of conflict-related crimes were released as part of the Belfast Agreement. Northern Ireland is internationally acclaimed as an example of a successful transition to peace. But as this book points out, there is a lot of unfinished business.
Militant intimidation in communities remains a concern, and there have been differing perspectives on how it should be addressed in the past. This includes hundreds of cases that still do not have resolution for victims and their families, both in the form of proper investigation and compensation for the atrocities.
The volatile nature of the current political situation is underlined by the fact that the Northern Ireland Parliament has lost its presence in recent years and is once again in a period of inactivity. Issues of justice and legitimacy are therefore of ongoing concern.
Nicola Carr is Professor of Criminology at the University of Nottingham